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The Emergency (Ireland)



See also: History of the Jews in Ireland

Elements of Irish public opinion were slow to accept the nature of the Nazi regime. A "Limerick Leader" editorial in 1945 noted that, "The campaign against war criminals is strangely confined to those who happen to fight on the wrong side." However it continued to say that

Allied atrocities cannot excuse the monstrous barbarism of the Reich.[51]

According to some sources, it appears that there was official indifference from the political establishment to the Jewish victims of the holocaust during and after the war. This was despite de Valera having knowledge of the crimes committed against Jewish victims of the Holocaust as early as 1943.[52] Other sources report that de Valera was so aware in 1942 and the government sought to secure the release of Jews from then.[53] After the war had ended, Jewish groups had difficulty in getting refugee status for Jewish children – whilst at the same time, a plan to bring over four hundred Catholic Children from the Rhineland encountered no difficulties.[54] The Department of Justice explained in 1948 that:

It has always been the policy of the Minister for Justice to restrict the admission of Jewish aliens, for the reason that any substantial increase in our Jewish population might give rise to an anti-Semitic problem.[55]

However, de Valera over-ruled the Department of Justice and the 150 refugee Jewish children were brought to Ireland in 1948. Earlier, in 1946, 100 Jewish children from Poland were bought to Clonyn Castle in County Meath by a London Jewish charity.[56] In 1952 he again overruled the Department of Justice to admit five Orthodox Jewish families who were fleeing the Communists. In 1966, the Dublin Jewish community arranged the planting and dedication of the Éamon de Valera Forest in Israel, near Nazareth, in recognition of his consistent support for Ireland's Jews.[57]

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The Emergency after the end of World War II

De Valera's reluctance to recognise a difference between World War II and previous European wars was illustrated by his reply to a radio broadcast by the British Prime Minister, Winston Churchill on V-E Day. Churchill praised Britain's restraint in not occupying Ireland in order to secure the Western Approaches during the Battle of the Atlantic:

the approaches which the southern Irish ports and airfields could so easily have guarded were closed by the hostile aircraft and U-boats. This indeed was a deadly moment in our life, and if it had not been for the loyalty and friendship of Northern Ireland, we should have been forced to come to close quarters with Mr. de Valera, or perish from the earth. However, with a restraint and poise to which, I venture to say, history will find few parallels, His Majesty’s Government never laid a violent hand upon them, though at times it would have been quite easy and quite natural, and we left the de Valera Government to frolic with the German and later with the Japanese representatives to their heart’s content.

De Valera replied to Churchill in another radio broadcast, which was popular in Eire:

Allowances can be made for Mr. Churchill’s statement, however unworthy, in the first flush of victory. No such excuse could be found for me in this quieter atmosphere. There are, however, some things it is essential to say. I shall try to say them as dispassionately as I can. Mr. Churchill makes it clear that, in certain circumstances, he would have violated our neutrality and that he would justify his actions by Britain’s necessity. It seems strange to me that Mr. Churchill does not see that this, if accepted, would become a moral code and that when this necessity became sufficiently great, other people’s rights were not to count… that is precisely why we had this disastrous succession of wars — World War No.1 and World War No.2 — and shall it be World War No.3? Mr. Churchill is proud of Britain’s stand alone, after France had fallen and before America entered the war. Could he not find in his heart the generosity to acknowledge that there is a small nation that stood alone not for one year or two, but for several hundred years against aggression; that endured spoliations, famine, massacres, in endless succession; that was clubbed many times into insensibility, but each time on returning to consciousness took up the fight anew; a small nation that could never be got to accept defeat and has never surrendered her soul?

After the end of the war, Hempel remained in Ireland and de Valera first resisted the return to Germany of arrested German agents, and then, at Hempel's request, the Irish Government opposed the outcome of the Nuremberg trials. Documents produced by the Department of External Affairs refused to accept the concept of a war criminal and compared the Nuremberg trials to the British use of the judicial system in Ireland against Nationalists.

The returning Irish volunteers returned to indifference or even hostility. After the end of the war, United States personnel were allowed to wear their uniforms in Ireland, but not those who had served in the British forces. In addition, the Irish government cancelled the Remembrance Day march. Special legislation was introduced so that the 4,000 Irish soldiers who had deserted to Britain were punished more harshly for desertion on their return than those who had deserted under other circumstances.[58] For many years they were not recognised by the Irish Government; however, in April 1995 Taoiseach John Bruton, leader of the Fine Gael Party paid tribute to those who he said

volunteered to fight against Nazi tyranny in Europe, at least 10,000 of whom were killed while serving in British uniforms. In recalling their bravery, we are recalling a shared experience of Irish and British people. We remember a British part of the inheritance of all who live in Ireland.

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Footnotes

  1. ^ "Existence of National Emergency." (1939-09-02). Dáil debates 77: 19–20. Government of Ireland. 
  2. ^ Emergency Powers Act, 1939. Government of Ireland (1939-09-03). Retrieved on 2007-11-02.
  3. ^ Emergency Powers (Continuance and Amendment) Act, 1945 §4(1). Government of Ireland (1945-07-29). Retrieved on 2007-11-02. “The Principal Act shall, unless previously terminated under subsection (2) of this section, continue in force until the 2nd day of September, 1946, and shall then expire unless the Oireachtas otherwise determines.”
  4. ^ "National Emergency: Motion (Resumed)." (1976-09-01). Dáil debates 292: 119–256. Government of Ireland. “Mr. Kelly: All the 1939 emergency legislation lapsed not later than 1946.” 
  5. ^ "National Emergency: Motion (Resumed)." (1976-09-01). Dáil debates 292: 119–256. Government of Ireland. 
  6. ^ Girvin, p.74
  7. ^ There was only one vote against neutrality in the Dáil, from James Dillon, who argued that the State should side with the Allies. He eventually resigned his Dáil seat and from Fine Gael, the main opposition party, because of their support for neutrality. (He rejoined Fine Gael in 1953 and served as their leader from 1959 to 1965.
  8. ^ Girvin, pp.84ff
  9. ^ All Allied servicemen were released from internment by October 1944 while all Axis servicemen remained at the Curragh. Until 1942, it was not even a technical offence to aid the escape of an internee. Surface ships were excluded from the deal. See Fisk pp.176–177. An example of this policy is the release into Northern Ireland of six officers including four generals that had crash landed in Galway on route from Africa on 15 January 1943. See Duggan p.184. Hempel reported in November 1943 that only eleven out of the forty allied internees remained interned. See Duggan p.171.
  10. ^ See Duggan p.180
  11. ^ Girvin, p.199
  12. ^ Girvin, p.125. Walshe seemed to be quite comfortable with the largely Catholic government in Vichy France.
  13. ^ Girvin, pp.143ff
  14. ^ Girvin, p.76
  15. ^ There were a number of IRA attacks between 1935 and 1945, including ten murders, mostly between late 1939 and early 1941. Notably, these included the murder of Detective Officer John Roche by Tomás Mac Curtain in Dublin in January 1940 and of two policemen in August . See Girvin, p.76.
  16. ^ See main article and series on IRA liaisons with Abwehr in World War II IRA Abwehr World War II.
  17. ^ Girvin, pp.108–109.
  18. ^ Girvin, pp.124–125
  19. ^ Girvin, p.129
  20. ^ Duggan p. 112, p. 132, Girvin p. 161
  21. ^ In the end, probably at Lough Swilly and the Shannon estuary rather than the Treaty Ports, Girvin, p.175.
  22. ^ The UK had occupied Iceland in May 1940
  23. ^ Girvin pp. 171 ff
  24. ^ Girvin p.179
  25. ^ Girvin, p.182
  26. ^ Girvin pp.208 ff
  27. ^ Girvin p.287
  28. ^ Wills, Claire (2007). That Neutral Island. London: Faber and Faber, pp. 208-210. ISBN 978-0-571-22105-9. 
  29. ^ Wills, Claire (2007). That Neutral Island. London: Faber and Faber, pp. 212. ISBN 978-0-571-22105-9. 
  30. ^ Tim Pat Coogan de Valera ‘long fellow, short shadow’ p. 585
  31. ^ Joseph T. Carroll “Ireland in the War Years” p. 109
  32. ^ See Fisk pp. 175–176
  33. ^ The British paid for the food and clothing allowance of the orphans, but the Irish paid for their lodgings, attempts were also made to have the British pay for their hospital treatment, but it was dropped when the request was "unfavourably received" in London. See Fisk pp.175–176
  34. ^ see Duggan p.173
  35. ^ BBC - WW2 People's War - THEY SERVED NEITHER KING NOR FUEHRER BUT HUMANITY
  36. ^ see Duggan p.112
  37. ^ see Girvin p.69
  38. ^ According to the Irish Defence Department, there were "no International Conventions specifically governing the treatment of belligerent internees and accordingly it appears open to neutral States…to prescribe conditions of internment in whatever manner they think fit." This is why the Irish felt they could release British pilots but retain German ones. See Fisk pp. 176–177. De Valera argued that blow by blow parity returning German aircrews to German could not take place as they could bring back militarily valuable information. See Duggan p.185 although Hempel was to find out in 1943 that the Irish had been negotiating with the British over returning German internees. See Duggan p.171.
  39. ^ This is thought to have occurred at the insistence of the American forces stationed in Northern Ireland. Hempel had been relaying Irish Army strength and troop movements to Berlin throughout the war, and he is also thought to have relayed weather reports to the German battleships "Scharnhorst" and "Gneisenau" in February 1942. The British military had been intercepting and logging his transmissions. See Duggan p.180
  40. ^ See Duggan p. 185. In most cases, each Irish ship had "Éire" painted in large lettering on the side and decking, and flew the Flag of Ireland. Irish ships sunk by U-boat included the "Munster", the "Kerry Head", the "City of Limerick" and the "SS. Kyleclare". the "City of Bremen" was sunk by German planes south-west of Mizen Head on 2 June 1942.
  41. ^ See Duggan p.112 & p.132
  42. ^ See Duggan p.135.
  43. ^ See Duggan pp.131–136.
  44. ^ Hitler was a big fan of the British and their Empire, some recollections here.
  45. ^ Commentary on Taoiseach Éamon de Valera's visit to the German Legation, 2 May 1945 from the National Archives of Ireland available here.
  46. ^ Gray, p. 233
  47. ^ President sent sympathy on Hitler's death | Special reports | Guardian Unlimited
  48. ^ On the death of President Roosevelt, de Valera made arrangements for a commemoration service in St Mary's (Catholic) Pro-Cathedral. The Ambassador said that he would not attend unless it was held in St. Patrick's (Church of Ireland) Cathedral, Dublin. Walsh tried to contact Gray, but was told that he was unavailable. Neither service was held. Since the Ambassador would be unavailable to receive condolences from de Valera, he sent his secretary to deliver his condolences rather than delivering them in person. He then instructed that flags be lowered to half-mast as a mark to respect to the late President.
  49. ^ de Valera had protested vociferously to the American Government about its "invasion of Ireland" when U.S. troops had landed in Northern Ireland.
  50. ^ (1997, Hawley) John D Kearney and Irish Canadian relations during World War II Heather J Hawley, University of Western Ontario
  51. ^ In Kilkenny in 1945, a letter to a local newspaper declared that newsreel footage of Belsen was "all propaganda" and had been faked by the British using starving Indians.Also in Kilkenny the first prize in a fancy dress ball went to "the Beast of Belsen".See Fisk, Robert "In Time of War" pp. 430–431 for details on Anti-semitism in Kilkenny & Limerick.
  52. ^ Brian Girvin, 'De Valera's Diplomatic Neutrality', History Today, 56(3), p.50 (2006)
  53. ^ "In 1942 Rabbi Herzog warned de Valera that Jews were being systematically exterminated in German prison camps. The Taoiseach and his government made efforts to rescue various groups, especially groups including children, and bring them to Ireland. These included a large group of German Jews held at Vittel in Vichy France, who already possessed visas for various South American countries. De Valera, together with the Irish ministers in Berlin, Vichy, and at the Vatican worked to rescue the Vittel Jews, and later groups of Italian, Dutch, Hungarian, and Slovakian Jews, but without success. In no case were the Nazis willing to let such groups depart for Ireland or leave Europe under Irish auspices. There was also a mistaken belief that Jews with Irish visas might be imprisoned, but would not be sent to the death camps, a belief the Vittel episode destroyed." from Judaism: A Quarterly Journal of Jewish Life and Thought, Summer, 1999, The Jews of Ireland. Robert Tracy
  54. ^ Keogh, Dermot, "Jews in Twentieth-Century Ireland: Refugees, Anti-Semitism and the Holocaust" pp. 209–210. The plan to bring over Catholic German children was known as Operation Shamrock.
  55. ^ Department of Justice Memorandum 'Admission of One Hundred Jewish children' 28 April 1948.
  56. ^ Ireland
  57. ^ The Jews of Ireland by Robert Tracy, published in the Summer 1999 edition of Judaism
  58. ^ Their punishment was brought under the Emergency Powers Legislation and they were excluded from public employment. Girvin, p.280.

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Sources and further information

  • Duggan, John P. Herr Hempel at the German Legation in Dublin 1937 – 1945 (Irish Academic Press) 2003 ISBN 0-7165-2746-4
  • Fisk, Robert In time of War: Ireland, Ulster, and the price of neutrality 1939 – 1945 (Gill & Macmillan) 1983 ISBN 0-7171-2411-8
  • Gray, Tony The Lost Years - The Emergency in Ireland 1939-45 (Little, Brown & Co) 1997 ISBN 0-316-88189-9
  • Girvin, Brian The Emergency: Neutral Ireland 1939–45 (Macmillan) 2006 ISBN 1-4050-0010-4
  • Ó Longaigh, Seosamh Emergency Law in Independent Ireland 1922-1948 (Four Courts) 2006 ISBN 1-85182-922-9

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External links

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See also

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